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I
reprint here for The Blanket an article I submitted
to Fourthwrite back in 2001 as I believe some of its
points are increasingly relevant and will tie in with
a forthcoming article ‘A New United Front?'.
While
the questions on the 1980/81 hunger strikes and other
discussions and debates saw such a diversity of ideas,
it also raised important questions. One such question
was from a speaker on the nature of leadership which
was raised at a discussion organised by Fourthwrite.
Part of a reply was that the working class should
take the lead without any real form of leadership.
While this sounds good, it is not practical if socialists
are to achieve their goal, for the ruling class have
got the institutions, mechanism and structures to
keep ruling class ideas in prominence, thus advocating
that there is no alternative. With that in mind some
believe it is acceptable, others like socialists do
not, but most hold mistrust and question its fundamental
politic.
So
while our working class history has shown at times
to be revolutionary, a huge distance exists between
what our collective class is capable of and what is
actually done. Therefore the working class need to
be conscious of their ability and to learn from the
hidden history of that power. To do this socialists
need to learn, understand and relate to the working
class and that history. This is progressed by taking
an organised lead within the working class, leading
union rank and files, activism within our districts
and initiating campaigns with wider forces within
our class. This however raises another question. Does
leadership lead to a minority making unaccountable
decisions over the majority? Such criticism has been
levelled at Sinn Fein among others. In reality such
a scenario need not arise but if it does it is through
the product of a particular politic and direction
embedded within that party. For a party whose politics
are based on ending the state will function differently
from those who are concerned only with the replacing
of the state with a different flag, leaving the levers
of economic power in the ruling class hands may it
be state or free market capitalism. That is why revolutionary
socialists push to take a leading role in the workers
movement. So accountability, democratic centralism
and disciplined organisation are crucial while leading
the fight within the working class potentially enabling
initially minimum numbers acting together having maximum
effect.
A
second question raised at one of the discussions was
in relation to the assembly, bringing real change
for the working class. It should be noted that nationalism
and parliamentarian republicanism while wanting to
break the union with Britain are not about breaking
the economic status quo with neo-liberalism and free
market economics. It seems that “economic stick”
once orange that used to beat us is starting to turn
a paler shade of green. Through the different debates
and points aired I found the politics in some ways
understandable but quite internal and with no analysis
of international movements and the working class.
In my view the new movement against global capital
from Seattle to Prague, with possibly the largest
mobilisation against their institutions that Europe
has ever seen happening in Genoa in July, which shall
include many scores from Belfast, it would be a mistake
for socialists not to understand and to relate to
the significance of such. Finally as one woman asked
at a meeting, what about the revolution then?
Again
the answer is to be found in both the Irish and international
working class. Revolution cannot be imposed or done
on behalf of the working class but only through the
act and participation of such. In my lifetime I believe
that I will see a revolutionary situation in Ireland.
There will be those who argue for reform, it is for
the revolutionary socialist tradition to give lead
to our class and move to revolution and our collective
economic emancipation. To that end such a party needs
to be built, for our history can lead us to our future.
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