Viewing the photograph of a joyous
Mary Lou McDonald having her hands triumphantly held
aloft by two senior members of the Provisional IRA
at a Dublin count centre was an indication in itself
of the distance travelled since the beginning of the
1990s when the same men were then being accused of
directing a war against the British state and were
not allowed broadcasting time even to discuss matters
as distant and innocuous as tomato growing in Guernsey.
Back then such images would have been met with howls
of disdain and venom from a range of hostile forces.
RTEs Charlie Bird may even have led a walkout
from his workplace demanding that he and those of
his profession continue to be censored, and thus spared
having to see or display photos of the IRA sans balaclavas openly
celebrating the electoral success of its chosen candidate.
But now that such people are embracing what their
critics always embraced - and also hurled invective
at them for rejecting - such photos have been starved
of their shock potential. A victory for the order in capitalist
society where those who rule merely wait for
cycles of taste to distil out the controversy
while ruling continues uninterrupted.
There
is a certain element of emotional satisfaction to
be derived from watching Sinn Fein make the gains
that they have in the Republic. The contorted faces
of the establishment old guard desperately trying
to feign politeness while really longing to retch
helps put a smirk on the faces of those who for decades
had to endure the self righteous posturing, pouting
and preaching of Dublin 4 while it did its utmost
to explain the problems besetting the North as an
aggregated crime wave. Serious swathes of airtime
were set aside so that the organisers of collusion
and British state murder could put their views across
while their victims were gagged.
Without
their sour gobs seeking to split hairs, talk turkey,
and pour forth anything other than tell us that the
electorate kneed them in the bollix, there would be
little else to celebrate. The republicans that they
were spitting venom at not too many years back were
at that time unlike them in every possible way. So
vast was the chasm that separated Dublin 4 from Belfast
12, it seemed that forced proximity on the same island
was the only thing both shared in common. Sinn Feins
victory in last weeks poll would have been delectably
sweet were that type of republican to have bloodied
the electoral nose of Dublin 4. But it isnt
so. Sinn Fein have learned to love everything they
once hated in order to get their snouts in the trough
alongside the rest of the oinkers. They now even look,
talk, dress and grunt like them. Animal Farm
Dont
allow the sense of smarting so visible amongst the
old guard personalities to fool you as to the nature
of the political challenge they are facing. Because
changing personalities is what it all boils down to.
The political, social and economic landscape is not
going to change one iota. The Sinn Fein president,
Gerry Adams, may wax radical on television as he tells
viewers that people are voting against the disparity
in wealth in Southern society. But even if they are,
his party has not the slightest intention of doing
anything about it. When the party leader and the Irish
business elite sat down together, the latter never
took to its heels in protest at the measures he promised
to introduce if in office. There were no angry criticisms
from irate businessmen and women directed towards
him in the following days papers. He showed
them his revolutionary credentials, told them he would
be having whatever they were having themselves, and
they all raised their glasses and backslapped each
other. The business elite intuitively know when they
have to deal with that one anti-systemic radical, and show no alarm whatsoever when confronted with any of those nine out
of every ten revolutionaries Orwell mocked as social climbers
with bombs. And so, as one reputed millionaire addressed a conference room packed with fellow millionaires, he quickly showed them common cause. This from the Irish Times:
Asked
about public-private partnerships, he acknowledged
that Martin McGuinness had reluctantly accepted
the need for private investment while in power in
Northern Ireland. "Well, we are against them,"
he said. "Having said that, Martin McGuinness,
as education minister, faced with the reality that
he would either have no schools or an involvement
in a qualified way with private finance, went for
it. So I suppose you could argue that that is the
emergence of pragmatic politics." Equally,
Sinn Féin's acceptance of service charges
in Sligo was justified by Adams, despite all of
the party's railings nationally against such bills.
"Sinn Féin councillors in Sligo, rather
than seeing the service go entirely over to privatisation,
and seeing the aged, or people on low incomes, suffering,
then went for a more pragmatic approach. The same
thing has happened in Monaghan. Our position is
against it. But in terms of the actual practicalities
of working out these matters, as part of local government,
the party made compromises on it," he told
the gathering. On taxation, Adams offered soothing
words that meant little: "I am reluctant to
say that we would do A or we would do B. We are
not in principle against tax increases, but we have
no plans to introduce them. We just think that there
should be a far, far better way of doing business."
If
Official Fianna Fail dont do the business for
the business elite then Provisional Fianna Fail will.
Sometimes things change in order to remain the same.
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