As
like the Anti Racism Network (ARN) article this
is in part a record of events on a particular issue
as I firmly believe such should be recorded. This
not only because of revisionism but more especially
as one can look back and learn lessons if similar
situations again arise.
This
strike was one of the most important workers strikes
in the last twenty years, Below is an article I
had written almost six months ago during the height
of the campaign, which now, with the dispute in
effect over and defeated (Sept 13th 2004) I now
put up on the Blanket. I believe that it
is vitally important that lessons are learnt within
such a dispute as so workers can take the experiences
into the next fight. The dispute happened within
NIPSA (Northern Ireland's largest union) and within
it there had been for many years a broad left group,
now such a group was called Time for Change (TfC).
The
reality of this group is that it is and has been
dominated and lead by the Belfast Socialist Party
whose primary role has been to concentrate on trade
union elections, as the means of delivering change,
change from above in effect. However during this
dispute a new group ‘uncivil servant’
came to the fore, based primarily on mobilising
a rank and file network and mobilising the workers
from their grassroots. It was the uncivil servant
who where to the fore from the onset, and within
a short space of time of its establishment had seen
them initiating the mass unofficial walkouts of
thousands of workers, while immediately and actively
seeking all out strike action from the start. So
while others meekly called for such, uncivil servant
activists knew of the importance of attempting to
bring such about from the onset, to win, and therefore
‘actively’ pursued this.
Although
the Tfc did not this time hold an overall majority
on the Civil Service Executive ‘leading’
the struggle, they though had quite recently held
a majority. Yet they where voted out next time round
by the members who had seen little of the change
they promised to bring if elected. Yet as with this
dispute, those who lead them, rather than dealing
with the reality of their failure, they have again
attempted to point the finger elsewhere as to their
failures. Such is the mindset.
Nevertheless
they still had many members of that upper body who
where now ‘leading’ this struggle, and
who on many occasions made unanimous tactical decisions,
and so with that now seeing a historic defeat. Saying
this, I can hold respect for many of them as individual
activists, it is though that strategy of primarily
electoralism, and of that leadership, that was to
the detriment of the over all struggle that I deal
with, as it is important for lessons to be learnt.
Therefore the uncivil servant activists and their
thousands of supporters knew that they had to look
elsewhere to attempt to deliver change, and this
would be from below, rather than from on top.
In
effect it is now widely recognised that if all out
strike action would have been called at the onset,
with thousands of militant workers walking out unofficially
with the ‘wildcat uncivil servant’ strikes,
with the workers crying out for all out action,
along with the then huge support for the official
strike action by members, as well as huge public
support, we could have won within a very short period.
Workers in their thousands knew this, called out
for it, and walked out unofficially with it in mind
and voice. Instead though that leadership moved
to selective action, in fact turning down, and then
off, the tap of militancy, therefore having a strike
strategy of the strike of the few, taking on the
fight on behalf of the many. Although pressure would
be put on government via this situation, this tactic
on its own had no chance of winning.
It
was not until eight plus months after a long drawn
out struggle, with the momentum lost, the tap of
militancy turned off, the public support lessening,
and that selective strike action of the few for
the many, that that ‘leadership then looked
to call on workers, to now, go out on all out indefinite
strike action before Xmas without pay?
Yet
despite this, it was shown that those branches that
where to the fore in initiating the walkouts, those
branches that were and are best organised with a
rank and file strategy, that they could still deliver
a resounding yes vote for such action, despite all
that had went before. Branch 8 for example, who
had initiated uncivil servant, which is the largest,
and recognised as the most militant and best organised
branch, seen 95% of its members supporting strike
action from the onset. Then after all this, eight
months on, 85% of branch 8 voted for ‘this
now’ called action. Yet overall the vote was
lost for the all out call for action around the
civil service.
The
uncivil servant is now being contacted and building
up a rank and file network around the North, our
strength was not enough at that time to move the
situation forward enough to the strategy that we,
thousands of workers, and indeed government knew
was needed if we where to win the most important
strike in the North in twenty years. Lessons have
been learnt by many involved, but probably not by
all.
So
before the account below of the militant workers
actions (and additional points at the end), just
a few further notes. Many may be aware that I am
working on a book at the minute, it will account
for my childhood growing up in West Belfast as a
black kid at the height of the troubles. I was born
into Ballymurphy 1970, then between Ballymurphy
and Sevastopol Street, Falls Road 1974 to early
1981, then Twinbrook early 1981- 1989 . Apart from
my life growing up in ‘the West’ it will
also account for my life as an activist. I will
be blunt, honest and forth- write in dealing with
this account as I believe it needs to be. In doing
that it will account for how I seen life on the
left initially, and with witnessing of the ‘Political
Sectarianism, of other left groups and individuals
(namely the Socialist Party in Belfast) towards
a new activist on the scene. You can get a taste
in the article (Belfast: Political Sectarianism
and the left – June 2002) which can be found
at address belfastleft.html,
or similarly in the first in my series of West Belfast
articles. (West Belfast, Childhood and the wars
– Oct 2003), at the address, partfivedc.html.
I
also will write such accounts, and as stated before,
in part against revisionism, yet as importantly
it is to record a workers history that has occurred
in recent times. Again I read of some accounts of
campaigns that I and comrades have been involved
in. Again I shall be blunt and honest when I record
such as I see organisations (and again I will be
specific both now and in the book) who attempt to
claim every piece of working class activity. Again
when I read of the Belfast SP trying to claim that
the were responsible for the rally against the murder
of a young postal worker Daniel McColgan in 2002,
I knew firstly that the factual account needed to
be recorded, and secondly I had come to an understanding
why such organisations mindsets needed to (and in
cases could) attempt to claim such to their membership,
more especially those not in immediate or direct
contact with the reality of the situation .
Workers
need to learn from their history and that can be
only done if the truth is told. So such events will
be recorded such as that, that had seen the largest
Anti sectarian rally during the conflict, after
that brutal murder, which shall record the factual
account of those left activists that played that
not unimportant role in bringing such around. Similar
in relation to both the Largest Anti War march and
rally seen in the North with its mass student walkouts
and various actions, along with a similar mass Anti
Racism rally whose make up made it ‘Unprecedented
in Northern Irish Political History’, the facts
behind the initiating of such shall be written,
from the stand point of one who was at the forefront
of playing a part of bringing such around with comrades
and other genuine activists involved.
Much
other events shall be recorded in the book, from
the ‘historic’ termed Falls and Shankill
march, similar as I have recorded these NIPSA workers
actions, as will the several day occupation of Queens
University through to the first ever occupation
of the US consul in Belfast (since moved), the mobilising
and feeder marches from local working class communities,
our participation and support as trade unionists
at the interfaces, through to ‘sit downs’
opposing Orange marches on the Ormeau Road, etc
will be recorded.
Yet
apart from an account of my childhood growing up
in West Belfast and the important factual accounts
of such moments in time, I will account of coming
from a working class Republican – Nationalist
area and being invited into and speaking in the
heart of loyalist working class estates from East
Belfast through to the Village and Sandy Row areas
of South Belfast.
I
see such as important, and is in part why I write,
as lessons of such workers struggles can only be
understood and learnt from when they are factual
and truthful, which can cut across the revisionism
and sectional interest that I have found some reek
from. Eventually when the book is written, several
years down the line I shall put it on the net and
begin, I hope, a second and continuing account.
For now though below it some of the events and actions
by workers involved in one of the most important
strikes in twenty years, and the lessons to be learnt,
The lessons being primarily of that (putting aside
those whose primary role is to concentrate on trade
union elections, rather than building strong branches)
is that if our ‘leaders’ had of followed
such a lead, the call, and the groundswell from
below, from the workers themselves for all out action
from the onset, instead of bottling the militancy,
then we the workers, may very well have won.
Part
of the Labour movement.
The
rank and file strategy in action, the lessons learnt.
Written six months before the end on this dispute
(March – 2004).
And additional notes after.
Now
for printed for the Blanket
--------------------------------------
At
the end of last year I had detailed the ongoing
actions within NIPSA (Northern Ireland Public Service
Alliance, Northern Ireland’s largest union)
in an article on the Blanket site entitled (the
close of the year 2003 - the Belfast SWP). I below
will give an update of that struggle as it still
continues and escalates, and it should be noted
that when the first ‘official’ strike
began it was the first such collective action seen
in over sixteen years. My detail will be concentrated
on the mass actions of workers who took action,
‘officially’ and ‘unofficially’
against a government agenda of intensified bullying
and intimidation of civil servants and the perceived
seeking of the breaking of our trade union. Our
crime – is to take a firm stand against low
pay.
Firstly
though I had remembered a few years back when we
(Belfast SWP) had organised a march through Belfast
city centre against low pay. That march several
hundred strong was lead then by up to 150 fire fighters
in full uniform, yet with now seeing in recent times
those very same fire fighters also in strike actions
again on the issue of pay (recorded on the Blanket).
Yet as we campaigned and raised solidarity for them
we argued, as we argue presently - that as with
the then Fire Fighter leadership strategy that the
now NIPSA leadership strategy needs to advocate
all out strike action for much longer periods if
we are to win. The fire - fighter leadership action
then as with the NIPSA Civil Service Executive now,
have adopted a start stop approach to actions. This
type of selective and stop start action in fact
does little to win a dispute as recent history has
shown. NIPSA members have shown though that they
have been ready for the fight, yet it has been the
weakness of the leadership of the Civil Service
Executive (who have not been willing to take the
step to move to firm escalation of the strike by
calling for all out action). It is their and that
weakness that will seriously hamper any chance of
winning if they continue down their still tentative
route, which plays into management’s hands.
Belfast
SWP have both NIPSA members and also leading NIPSA
trade union Reps on Branch 8 committee ‘CSA’
(the largest branch in the civil service) which
is also recognised around NIPSA as its strongest
and most militant Branch. This due to the respect
the Branch has from the workforce due to the dedicated
work and firm stands that they had put in over the
years for members and also for providing active
solidarity on many other ‘external’ issues
and campaigns. Which is why I believe it is of no
co-incidence that when management and government
started suspending Northern Ireland civil servants,
they started and directed their attentions whole
scale against us in Branch 8. This whole situation
had started to escalate when management had imposed
a deal, 0% in real terms and with that Branch 8
had said enough was enough. Firstly, and as reported
previously a brief account of the actions at that
time to put the developing situation into context.
‘So
on the news that the ‘deal’ was to be
imposed rank and file activists within Branch 8
NIPSA drew up placards and began marching around
the floors of our thirteen story building in Belfast,
with placards reading 'end poverty pay - all out.'
And with that workers joined in behind and marched
outside in their hundreds onto the streets of central
Belfast on ‘unofficial’ walkouts.
As
the news spread around, other workers starting walking
out of their offices all around Belfast with many
marching upon Branch 8 to stand firm with their
colleagues. With comrades now standing upon the
steps of our workplace making addresses to the workers,
other workers looked down out of the windows of
surrounding buildings shouting out ‘we are
on our way down’; and down they came. As the
news spread others started walking out as far away
as Derry. Such was its impact and the inspiring
spontaneous mobilisation of workers that the N.
Ireland minister stated that ‘the actions of
workers at branch 8 were deplorable’.
Yet
I tell you what was and is deplorable Mr Minister
- the imposing of a 0% deal in real terms and the
keeping of workers on poverty wages. So with that
the rank and file workers, Catholic and Protestant
in their many many hundreds strong, took the lead,
immediately downed ‘tools’ when the ‘deal’
was imposed, and walked out, clapped as other workers
marched towards them in solidarity and with that
together stood firm and united on that day. Thus
in doing so taking to the streets of Belfast and
beyond, in solidarity and against poverty wages.
This
active and visual action led the way in showing
both how much workers are sickened by the way they
are being treated by management and government and
provided a small example of the real power held
by the workers as the businesses came to a virtual
standstill. These workers therefore took that lead,
stood firm against low pay and excuse the pun, walked
the walk. As one worker and recently new union representative,
recently interviewed and newly inspired, has stated
(who had never been in such actions).
‘I
have seen trade union activists in different trade
unions during my time as a NIPSA member (8-9 years)
and before, looking time and again to trade union
election after election to try and bring change.
Or looking to provide activist based leadership
and involvement (from on top), but unfortunately
providing just the very occasional sign of either.
I believe that those unofficial walkouts were probably
the largest and most feel-good immediate reaction
responses against low pay that has been initiated,
responded to, and more importantly led by ordinary
union members, that NIPSA has seen in God knows
how many years and, most probably, has ever seen.'
Such
walkouts had also happened this time last year which
seen walkouts and actions this time by school students
against the war in Iraq (recorded on the Blanket).
A joint press conference was held then by the Irish
Congress of Trades Unions and ‘Schools Against
War (SAW) and chaired by my comrade Dan (SAW and
Belfast SWP) before the school student actions.
Again the actions taken through the SAW walkouts,
marches, sit downs and venting of anger at the US
consul as like the NIPSA members now, sent out a
clear and powerful message of opposition on those
particular issues.
This
NIPSA rank and file action gave workers inspiration
and many of the rank and file workers who took the
lead in this case, as was to be the case in the
next mass ‘unofficial walkouts’ were grouped
around the newssheet of ‘uncivil servant’.
So for the next while NIPSA continued with selective
strike action and work to rule but once again management
moved to escalate the situation by issuing threats.
So
with these threats to remove ‘flexi time’
and with blunt refusals to even negotiate etc and
just a week or so after thousands attended the Anti
Racism Network rally (ARN), thousands of civil servants
again walked out on unofficial action. This on Feb
5th when management issued the threats. Below again
is a report of again Branch 8’s initiations
and actions.
‘At
11.30 am Feb 5th branch 8 members of NIPSA with
chants of ‘Tommy O’Reilly on yer bike,
we’re going out on strike’ walked out
of their office and went onto the streets of Belfast.
500 strong we marched up Great Victoria street's
roads in central Belfast and passed Belfast City
Hall in what the media called 'wildcat strikes'
and the civil service management called 'illegal'.
Like
the first 'unofficial wildcat actions' a few weeks
prior that lead the Northern Ireland minister to
state that 'Branch 8 actions are deplorable' as
branch 8 had previously brought hundreds on walkouts
onto the streets from Belfast to Derry against low
pay. This time though it was thousands (three to
four thousand).
Many of such activists to again take the initiative
and lead being grouped around the ever growing rank
and file workers newssheet ‘uncivil servant’
(established only a very short time). This network
has seen such spontaneous mass ‘wildcat actions’
against low pay that has not been seen under the
period of previous (over many years) and present
‘broad left’ groups whose ‘main’
focus is primarily on trade union electoralism.
Therefore these mass actions from below (rank and
file workers actions) far outweighed anything on
such similar matters that had ever gone before this
in NIPSA. More importantly though the actions have
give both inspiration to workers and shown also
where the real powers lays, which comes from below.
As one recent leading senior NIPSA official acknowledged
at a mass meeting of Branch 8, ‘if every branch
was like Branch 8 we would have won this fight in
the first week’.
In
saying that he hit the nail on the head, that is,
the NIPSA broad lefts years and years of primarily
focusing on trade union electoralism had now seen
the weakness in that strategy. With the emphasis
therefore on getting people elected to positions
within the union leaderships, therefore very little
was done on the ground within the branches. That
is why although, yes, stand for elections but the
primary focus should be on building strong and active
branches, as those around ‘uncivil servant’
are attempting to do. This as has been shown in
the recent actions and indeed through the realisations
of some ‘left’ union activists and officials
who have tended to concentrate in the main on electoralism
over the years.
The
original issue on these actions was in relation
to a pay increase or in this case no pay increase
and the first 'unofficial wildcat strikes' a few
weeks back was when management imposed the 'deal'.
Management
threats this time of withdrawal of flexi working
hours etc, therefore seen similar actions by workers
(this time in their thousands) who showed that we
are up for the fight against both management threats
and poverty pay.
So
as we marched through the streets yet again on our
'illegal wildcat strikes' workers from other offices
opened their widows from on high and started leaning
out waving, cheering, clapping and chanting with
us as we made our way onto the main roads and avenues
and through side streets, from one side of central
Belfast to the other. This as so we could meet up
with other workers who had also walked out in solidarity
and against the threats by civil service management.
As we arrived at the meeting point with my comrade
Ryan leading the chants on the mega phone thousands
of workers who had already arrived cheered, raised
their fists in solidarity into the air, or clapped
at our arrival. And as we gathered at the management’s
office we sang in Unison
Ryan,
Chair of Branch 8 (a comrade who played the key
role in branch 8 at this time) was interviewed in
that days Belfast Telegraph (North’s Biggest
seller) stating that 'workers were angry at what
they viewed as threats and intimidation by management
and today’s walkout is about expressing our
anger'.
Management
in the same piece stated that 'this industrial action
has begun to impact significantly on services'.
The
next day official action was to take place and as
I walked around civil service departments in Belfast
city centre many were simply shut or with their
shutters down with pickets outside. Outside Branch
8 our picket around 30 strong sang spirited songs
to, and with pickets stationed across the road who
had now tripled their picket line since December’s
action.
Management
had underestimated the strength of workers feelings
on the issue and the bully boy tactics and threats
by management, workers had shown will not work.
These actions while important and historic within
NIPSA's history is more importantly though in the
process of building both the confidence of workers
in all aspects of society and secondly showing to
date that this group of workers are up for the fight
against the government agenda of poverty pay. If
successful it will give inspiration to others, but
to be successful we should learn the lessons of
the recent successful postal workers actions in
Britain.
For
myself it has as with many campaigns, struggles
and actions one has been involved in taught me lessons.
I had originally seen and wondered at other left
and socialist organisations whose main focus is
on trade union elections. They hold trade unionists
that hold senior positions in the trade union bureaucracy
(who themselves are good genuine individual left
activists). Yet it is their political organisations
concentration on such elections without building
anything on the ground that had shown the weakness
of that strategy. This has been shown in the NIPSA
strike where its leadership has been the weakest
link with the workers more militant and that leadership
more tentative. It has shown how a rank and file
strategy of building from the bottom up, rather
than building from the top down can have a far better
chance of winning such a dispute as was even acknowledged
by that senior union official.
Thankfully
now in NIPSA a new layer of activists has emerged
around the newssheet uncivil servant. They are the
activists attempting to build the strongest activists
based, rank and file lead branches. They are the
activists who took the initiative to lead those
historic unofficial militant walkouts of workers.
They are the activists who are advocating and actively
seeking all out strike action as to not play into
managements hand and to more importantly to have
a strategy that can win this strike. The lessons
for oneself as a socialist are clear that focusing
on trade union elections without building anything
on the ground will not work and will lead to defeat.
I
cite but two recent examples of differing ways of
organising, solely as it is important as to how
the difference in strategy can be seen in practical
terms for socialists. The Socialist Enviornmental
Alliance (SEA) was seeking to establish its self
in Belfast as it had already done firmly in Derry.
Its reason was to stand in the forthcoming European
elections and as one who sees elections as tactical
rather than a means to an end; this therefore was
a time I believe when one should put forward a candidate.
Not only given the increasing stalemate and political
nature of the orange and green or indeed the development
of the new international movements. It is though
that we are also witnessing an emergence of new
local activists and activist based cross community
campaigns, which are part of the growing movement.
Yet
such are in themselves creating and initiating mass
local mobilisations and actions from fighting against
low pay to taking a stand against racism. Such issues
that are mobilising on mass scale locally in very
recent times are also part of the priorities of
the International movement. Therefore while it was
important after the mass anti war protests of Feb
15th 2003 to provide a voice, it is essential now
given at times the unprecedented specific mass mobilisations
and militant workers actions happening on those
variety of local issues. This is coupled with more
and more new activists emerging, engaging, working,
organising, agitating and networking together on
a whole host of campaigns. A half a dozen community
and activist based anti racism branches in Belfast
alone, several activists based SEA branches seeking
to develop also around Belfast, new networks of
militant trade union activists who are to the fore
of mass workers struggles and militant actions,
these are just some of the developments in Belfast
over the last several weeks. Such initiatives are
also beginning or are already being developed outside
Belfast as with the Derry SEA and its various local
campaign initiatives for example. And of course
we are essentially seeing the under laying factors
within those local struggles reflected as part of
the International movement.
Yet
despite this there are those who still believe that
the time is not quite right (to stand in elections,
yet some of whom have before advocated and indeed
stood in far far less favourable times?) well, to
those persons I say that I believe that they are
quite simply wrong. Therefore it is my belief that
an ‘activist based non-sectarian electoral
voice’ as part of the movement is essential
at this time. Which represents and reflects both
the anti capitalism of the movement and therefore
with it the immediate local issues at hand. I see
it as a case of looking to, and the involvement
of the new and not primarily the old (left). Therefore
as the SEA, I am to believe, is moving in that direction
then for one it is something I would then actively
support and actively promote, if that is the case,
as the time is right.
The
SEA therefore (as it is in Derry) and as it is to
be in Belfast, is that of an activist based campaigning
organisation working on the ground within the communities
and trade unions etc. The meeting called in Belfast
(to establish the Belfast SEA) attracted up to eighty
persons, with an introduction by one person as to
the reason of the meeting then it was opened for
discussion. Those in attendance were on the ground
and leading activists within anti racism, anti war
and anti poverty campaigns. The meeting also seen
leading, Gay, Women’s and environmental right
campaigners in attendance, as well as leading rank
and file activists from several trade unions. Persons
from solidarity campaigns, left wing journalists,
student activists and many other leading on the
ground activists within local communities amongst
others from around Belfast were also there.
This
make up came from Catholic and Protestant areas
and overwhelmingly non-party aligned and activist
based and as importantly was reflective of the movement.
For one I see this as the way to organise and to
work together, and in doing so new moods of activism
and activists therefore have come together in recent
times. In doing so we have therefore seen the initiation
of mass mobilisations and militant actions on various
issues involving Catholic and Protestants in recent
times on the streets and in the workplaces around
the city of Belfast and beyond. It is the case of
being part of the movement at a local level and
to do that one most learn new ways to organising
and seek to reach out for engagement.
Yet
two days later another meeting was called by the
Belfast Socialist Party, on building a socialist
alternative. Their platform of speakers included
a President of the largest Trade union, the leading
figure of another Trade union and a Socialist TD
(MP) from the South of Ireland. That meeting attracted
little more than a dozen persons, in fact no one
outside of their own organisation. While I can hold
respect for those on the platform as socialist activist
I again learnt a lesson similar to the NIPSA issue.
That is, that if one works in campaigns in a fraternal
way putting the interest of the campaign as the
priority then people will acknowledge that. More
importantly that the campaign should be activist
based and activists lead from below, where genuine
activists can begin to feel empowered and equal
participants.
Therefore
I have learnt that many independent and genuine
activists will not necessarily go along to a meeting
of Presidents of this or leaders of that (more especially
if the speakers all belong to the same political
party). But they would go along to meetings that
they know will be activist based and those who will
be in attendance have a recent history of broad
based campaign activity with various others. As
importantly that they know (due to their recent
history) that such activists will work fraternally
and in equal partnership on a common issue with
them and with others. In effect making the issue
the priority. For me personally such issues are
important when working with others and more especially
given the development of the new movements.
This
is being reflected also internationally where new
methods of organising and working together are being
thrown up within the process of those new movements.
What we are seeing now is new networks of activists
and new ideas on organisation and how one works
together coming to the fore. Therefore those who
dwell on purism, sectarian party politics, and methods
of the past will unfortunately be left there as
new situations, (which mean adapting to those very
situations) need to, and begin to occur, this in
many spheres of ‘organisational politics’.
The
work of the rank and file ‘Uncivil Servant’
activists who initiated the magnificent militant
civil servant walkouts which eventually seen thousands
of workers walking out unofficially, saying enough
was enough. Or the Anti Racism Network (ARN) mass
rally of thousands a week or so prior, with now
ARN activist based branches establishing all around
Belfast and beyond, has seen both of these local
issues having a number of things in common. Firstly
it is the coming together of activists on a common
issue, where the issue and unity with others is
the priority. With that both have been able to initiate
mass actions and mobilisations. Secondly activists
within each, seek to work from the bottom up both
within the trade union and now the ARN local branches
thus developing empowerment of activists. Yet although
these are local issues they are part of the wider
issues, which the movement takes up. This from the
issue of low pay to the issue of racism and fundamentally
to the issue of Capitalism and how that very system
needs to see revolutionary change, and of course,
how this is brought about.
Yet,
and finally on the NIPSA issue, our struggle against
poverty pay continues, but that struggle needs a
firm strategy that will win, as I believe we can.
Yet that is only a very small part in an internationalist
struggle as at the end of the day for those of us
that are internationalists, we have also a whole
world to win.
--------------------------------
Update
- Sept 2004
Many
lessons can be learnt within the account provided.
The move for example, to all out action at the start
when the militancy was bubbling over onto the streets
in unofficial actions of workers in their thousands,
this was the time to escalate. This when official
actions had huge backing and active support from
members across the board, also when there was huge
public support from around society and when workers
where screaming out for the call to escalate to
win. This was the time to escalate, this was the
time we could have won .Yet the ‘leadership
bottled that militancy and excluded the majority
in strike action for the actions of a few. While
rank and file activists did what they could and
even when thousands where taking unofficial action
it was not enough to move that timid leadership.
Therefore
what we need, is to continue to build up such strong
and militant branches, as that is where the real
power lays, as even as that trade union senior official
had realised when he stated, ‘that if every
branch was like branch 8 we would have won this
fight in the first week’. Unfortunately the
broad left and those now recently in the form of
TfC (although doing occasional activity) have choose
primarily the road of elections, in effect, to primarily
seek the top table of the trade union bureaucracy.
Yet, as stated, while elections should be a tactic,
they should not be the ‘primary tactic’
of Socialists, as the means to deliver change.
The
lessons have also been that whether in or out of
leadership positions, that should not be where also
a socialist ‘strategy’ primarily lays.
If the energy used over the years in such elections
would have even been equalled in building up strong
branches, again it may have been very different.
Although to late to change the overall out come
of this strike, but having seen the positive side
of having inspired and re - vitalised many branches
and thousands of workers into activity or action,
the uncivil servant rank and file network needs
now to build and expand. Many have now learnt and
seen in a practical way (this historic defeat) and
as to where those whose primary concentration is
on trade union elections, can lead us, and have
lead us, and so, we must attempt to ensure that
we have the collective strength that such need not
happen within our union, the members union, NIPSA,
ever again.
Davy
Carlin, NIPSA REP Branch 8.
