Some
years ago, as an Irish Northern Aid observer, this
writer attended a large Sinn Fein internal conference
held in Dublin to discuss the policy of abstentionism,
which was to be overturned within a few years. Two
of the early speakers set the parameters of the
debate. One argued that elected Sinn Fein TDs would
secure the abolition of the Special Criminal Court,
denounce British injustices from the floor of Leinster
House and so rally support for Republican political
prisoners. The second speaker contended that the
party would inevitably become tied into the twenty-six
county establishment, with its ability to support
Republican political prisoners undermined and compromised.
Ironically both men would later be killed in County
Donegal. The latter speaker, Eddie Fullerton, will
be remembered as a murdered Irish patriot, while
the former was informer Denis Donaldson, an admitted
paid servant of the British crown.
The arguments presented in that conference should
be revisited in light of an August 24th Irish
News column by Jim Gibney entitled "Injustice
Must Always Be Opposed and Exposed". Will,
indeed can, Sinn Fein expose and oppose injustices
inflicted upon Republican political prisoners from
within the constraints of the Stormont Deal? Ironically,
the question can only be answered by Sinn Fein.
STUDIED
The
positions articulated by Jim Gibney, should of course
be welcomed and commended, even by Republicans like
this writer who fundamentally disagree with him
on the Stormont Deal strategy.
However, much like Sinn Fein leaders study public
positions espoused by the British government, SDLP,
or Fianna Fail etc to determine whether such pronouncements
bespeak serious policy commitments, or mere lip-service,
pitched to the grassroots, Republicans allied with
these political prisoners are studying and debating
the true import of this column.
PARAMETERS
Gibney begins by calling upon the British government
to resolve the battle in Maghaberry, where Republican
political prisoners are fighting still another British
attempt at criminalization by breaking them into
abandoning a segregated wing for political prisoners
and accepting cells with and among criminals.
He supports the demand of Republican political prisoners
held in English prisons to be repatriated, and specifically
criticizes Dublin minister Michael Mc Dowell for
delaying the transfer and crucial medical treatment
for Aiden Hulme.
Thirdly he condemns the miscarriage of justice in
the case of Michael Mc Kevitt, who was sentenced
solely on the word of a British agent, four time
bankrupt, criminal and tax cheat, whose testimony
was not only bought and scripted but even contradicted
by garda surveillance witnesses, yet credited by
the Special Criminal Court in a verdict which did
indeed put justice on trial.
These positions, which all Republicans should commend
and welcome, are expressed by someone who is himself
a former Republican prisoner, and many believe the
victim of a miscarriage of justice. He is a leading
strategist within Sinn Fein, whose views influence
and are believed to reflect those of party leaders.
He cites these as party positions held and he claims
advanced in negotiations. Clearly if Sinn Fein,
a highly coordinated party whose positions are communicated
and followed throughout all party levels, advocates
support for Irish Republican prisoners, such would
be a welcome advance for these prisoners and their
families.
SKEPTICAL
Many Republicans are skeptical and argue that as
part of the negotiations for a return to a DUP headed
Stormont, Sinn Fein will be obliged to accept not
only policing boards but the British constabulary,
which hauls Republicans before crown courts, and
enforces British laws. They cite a number of events
as proof that the party cannot, within the confines
of the Stormont Deal, expose and fight the injustices
inflicted upon Irish Republican prisoners. These
skeptical Republicans contend that occasional sympathetic
statements about Irish Republican prisoners are
issued only to placate growing discontent and disquiet
amidst the Republican community, to be trotted out
to back claims that of course we support these prisoners
while in reality informing the British that such
rhetoric is mere public relations and not to be
taken seriously.
CASEMENT
RALLY
It is said that no prominent Sinn Fein member has
ever joined or encouraged participation in any white
line picket for Maghaberry. Indeed it is said that
some prominent Sinn Fein members have ridiculed
and jeered those who did march. Last week a rally
was held at Casement Park to honor the memory of
the hunger strikers of 1981. Republican political
prisoners in Maghaberry are resisting the very same
policy of criminalization which the British tried
to impose upon the blanket-men only to be beaten
back by the hunger strike martyrs. It is claimed
that a request to have a mother of one of these
prisoners read a short statement, as a show of solidarity,
was denied. It is claimed that a promise to have
one of the platform members read the statement was
broken. Clearly the main speech of the rally was
directed at agreement with the DUP on a new Stormont
administration, not justice for political prisoners
held by that administration. If Sinn Fein were truly
fighting the injustices inflicted by the crown upon
political prisoners at Maghaberry, would not a simple
statement read on behalf of these prisoners have
demonstrated to the British that this issue is one
which Sinn Fein will not ignore or defuse or relegate
to an occasional newspaper article?
FRAMEWORK
The latest manipulation of the Diplock Courts seems
to be the attempt to sentence Republicans on the
basis of fabricated DNA evidence. DNA evidence is
easily planted. It can be gathered in any house
raid. It leaves no telltale signs like visible injuries.
It has the advantage that most people will not understand
or question ostensibly irrefutable scientific data,
in the way that a confession under torture is immediately
understood.
This British legal manipulation came to light in
the case of Mark Carroll and Martin Brogan, and
then later in the related case of Seamus Doherty.
In scenes that seemed plagiarized from the script
of "In the Name of the Father",
one of the members of the legal team, Aidan Carlin
found written notes detailing that items had been
unsealed and taken away to allow for fabricated
DNA to be planted. The test conductors were requested
to change their findings to make a case. These charges
were dismissed and the case investigated by UTV.
A Sinn Fein Councilor Martin Cunningham is now an
ex-Sinn Fein Councilor because he sought to highlight
this case which concerned Republicans living within
his Council district, and was censured for doing
so. Much later, the case would be noted in a Sinn
Fein pamphlet as an example of an injustice highlighted
by the party.
No
member of the crown forces has been demoted or disciplined,
much less prosecuted for this blatant attempt to
frame innocent Irishmen. A clear signal was sent
by the crown. You may fabricate evidence against
selected Republicans with impunity.
Next
month the crown prosecution of Sean Hoey will commence
based upon evidence that his solicitor Peter Corrigan
and many human rights campaigners believe will make
that trial the next miscarriage of justice, based
on similarly gathered and planted DNA. Can and will
Sinn Fein join in exposing and fighting this injustice?
TIMING
The timing is also not overlooked. The fight for
justice of Michael Mc Kevitt like the repatriation
battle of Aidan Hulme and other Republicans held
in England has been ongoing for years. The silence
of Sinn Fein until now has been deafening. The Mc
Kevitt case involved a myriad of issues such as
the involvement of a British MI5 agent in the south,
scripted and bought perjury, the refusal to disclose
exculpatory evidence, the right of silence, trial
by media. A campaign for justice has gathered momentum
and enlisted the support of prominent and respected
human rights workers. Will Sinn Fein endorse the
campaign and raise the issue as a matter of justice
on the floor of Leinster House? Will it publicly
raise the delays or denial of repatriation to Irish
political prisoners, in a manner which shows that
such commitment is genuine and not a public relations
gesture?
ANSWER
This debate and these questions can only be answered
by Sinn Fein. Much like the support which Republican
prisoners received in the past from Church, political
and human rights leaders who did not endorse the
campaigns of the IRA or INLA, but supported them
as a matter of justice, Sinn Fein can support Republican
political prisoners with whom there is a fundamental
disagreement on the Stormont Deal. Real support
on such terms would be witnessed and welcomed. However,
if the party can no longer expose and fight injustice
because it is trapped within the constraints of
the Stormont Deal, that too will be witnessed and
understood within the Republican grass-roots.
